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" Dominic the Deceiver" - Dominic Cummings

Propagandist of our Age

The Campaign Slogan: We send £350 millions each week to the EU - Let's spend that on our NHS", defined the Vote Leave campaign. It was the most blatant of all lies but a clarion call for those for whom Brexit was a religion rather than a viable political initiative. That it was a lie was an asset rather than a disability.

If there should be a Nobel Prize for invention and blatant lies, Vote Leave campaign director Dominic Cummings would be the undoubted winner and would certainly be accompanied to the award ceremony by Boris Johnson, Michael Gove, David Davis, Liam Fox and their puppet master, Nigel Farage.

Throughout the campaign Cummings relied heavily on the tactics of Joseph Goebells who led a similar national deception in the 1930s. A favourite quote of Goebells was:

"There was no point in seeking to convert the intellectuals. For intellectuals would never be converted and would anyway always yield to the **er, and this will always be "the man in the street." Arguments must therefore be crude, clear and forcible, and appeal to emotions and instincts, not the intellect. Truth was unimportant and entirely subordinate to tactics and psychology"

Cummings, like Goebbels, was aware that education was the enemy of his cause and pitched his propaganda accordingly.

Towards the end of the Campaign this strategy went horribly wrong. Cummings, Farage, Gove, Duncan-Smith, Grayling, Johnson and their cabal determined that every argument they had tried was being lost. To counter this potentially fatal drawback they decided to follow Johnson's earlier campaign strategy by using Britain's immigrants as a focus of hate. Consciously or not, this empowerment of the most severe racist elements in society also exposed to danger those who in any way sought to offer factual evidence of the benefit to the UK of EU immigration.

It was another favourite principle of Goebells that: "Propaganda must facilitate the displacement of aggression by specifying the targets for hatred". Where Goebells had been specific, Cummings and his hate team used a shotgun. A direct consequence was the murder of Birstall Labour MP Jo Cox by a Vote Leave empowered Britain First extremist. There was even an attempt to use the murder for political purposes and on the day of the MPs funeral, an aircraft pulling a Vote Leave streamer flew in the face of all human decency by flying low near her funeral.

Jo Cox's murder was not condemned by any of the Vote Leave cabal!

On the lead up to the referendum, Cumming appeared before the Commons Select Committee to answer questions about the untrue statements made in support of leaving the EU. After a number of evasive and devious attempts to avoid answering questions several members of the committee started wondering if there was a doctor on call nearby, but Cummings was only just warming up.

No, he couldn’t confirm whether a Vote Leave advert had been deliberately designed to look like an NHS brochure.

No, he couldn’t confirm Britain was in the single market, because we definitely weren’t even though we definitely were.

No, he couldn’t confirm why Vote Leave was claiming that intra EU trade had fallen since 1999 when official figures showed it had actually gone up by 39%.

No, he couldn’t confirm when Vote Leave would make the macro-economic case for Brexit because these figures were obviously top secret and if he were to make them public then they wouldn’t be secret any more.

No, he couldn’t name the Goldman Sachs operatives who had bribed everyone in Brussels, because he’d be killed.

No, he couldn’t name any of the umpteen ambassadors who had told him at secret trysts that they really hated the EU because if he did they would all just say he was crazy.

“You’re not wrong there,” Labour’s Rachel Reeves observed drily, before leaving to lie down in dark corner.

“For someone who claims to want to give sovereignty back to the British parliament you don’t seem to have much respect for the sovereignty of this committee,” Labour’s Helen Goodman pointed out. “I want my own special sovereignty,” Cummings shrugged, his look of slight sheepishness suggesting there might be a smidgeon of rationality lurking somewhere in his brain.

Cumming and his team relied heavily on the gullibility of the electorate and their propensity for believing almost anything, providing it came from the right source. His faith was not unjustified.